Taiwan stands out globally for its longstanding commitment to increasing women’s political representation through quota systems that date back to the mid-20th century. The Republic of China’s 1946 Constitution included reserved seats for women in elections, a policy carried over to Taiwan after the Nationalist government relocated there in 1949. Despite decades of authoritarian rule during which the Constitution was largely suspended, these gender quotas persisted at the local level.
As Taiwan transitioned to democracy beginning in 1987, feminist groups initially expressed concern that quotas might imply women’s inability to win elections independently. Nevertheless, they ultimately supported substantial quota reforms, securing legislative changes over the following decades that progressively expanded women’s guaranteed representation. A 2002 law ensured that in local councils with four or more seats, at least one seat would be allocated to women based on vote counts, incentivizing political parties to nominate female candidates. By 2030, the quota system is set to evolve into a gender-neutral requirement, mandating that in every trio of seats, there must be at least one man and one woman.
Political scientist Ms. Huang, who analyzed six election cycles from 2002 to 2022, noted a decline in the number of districts needing to implement reserved seats—from 31 in 2002 to just four in 2022. This trend indicates that female candidates have become increasingly competitive, though the quotas remain essential for parties to nominate women. Ms. Huang characterized the quotas as a safeguard to maintain and promote women’s presence in politics.
Comparatively, Taiwan’s approach contrasts sharply with Japan, which adopted universal suffrage after World War II but did not institute reserved seats. As a result, women hold only about 15 percent of Japan’s parliamentary seats. Similarly, China has seen little progress in women’s political representation; women constitute roughly a quarter of the national legislature, a figure unchanged since the 1970s. Under President Xi Jinping’s administration, no women hold seats on the Communist Party’s Politburo Standing Committee, and feminist advocacy has been significantly curtailed.
Ahead of Taiwan’s upcoming local elections scheduled for late November, female candidates are prominently featured in campaign materials, especially in urban areas. One notable race is in New Taipei City, where Su Chiao-hui, a 50-year-old three-term legislator from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), is contesting the mayoralty. She faces Lee Shu-chuan, a veteran opposition figure from the Nationalist Party (KMT), in a highly competitive election. While the DPP emphasizes Taiwan’s distinct identity, and the KMT aligns with the historic Republic of China’s mainland origins, local campaigns focus largely on practical issues such as housing, child care, and transportation. Ms. Su’s campaign highlights a maternal image, including her role hosting a children’s storytelling podcast, embracing gender-related traits as a form of voter appeal.
Despite advances in female political participation, gender stereotypes and sexism persist in Taiwan. Yu-Yu Liu, a township leader from central rural Taiwan, recalled facing skepticism about both her age and marital status when she first ran for office. Traditional political environments remain male dominated and can be isolating for women candidates. Taiwan’s first female president, Tsai Ing-wen, has also been subject to misogynistic attacks questioning her leadership due to being single and childless. Despite setbacks such as the ruling party’s losses in the 2018 local elections, Tsai was re-elected in 2020, reaffirming her position and underscoring the resilience of women in Taiwan’s political arena.
Overall, Taiwan’s quota system has played a critical role in normalizing women’s participation in politics, transforming what was once exceptional into an expected and integral part of the electoral landscape.