In the wake of growing concerns over Chinese industrial overcapacity and trade imbalances, Europe is preparing new measures aimed at curbing China's dominance in key sectors. Ahead of the European Council summit held on October 15-16, 2026, Beijing proposed a compromise package to Germany, including a mutual understanding to limit Chinese exports of hybrid and plug-in hybrid vehicles to the European Union (EU). The offer also included tariff reductions on nearly €4 billion worth of European goods and commitments to ease export licensing on rare earths and permanent magnets supplied to European manufacturers.
Despite these concessions, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, alongside French President Emmanuel Macron, maintained a firm stance against China’s trade practices. Shortly after the summit, Merz announced plans to expand Europe’s array of tools to combat Chinese overcapacity, heavy subsidies, and currency undervaluation. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen unveiled intentions to introduce a new instrument capable of immediately restricting Chinese access to the EU single market by sector when European interests are at risk.
The EU’s trade deficit with China remains substantial, reaching approximately €360 billion (about US$407 billion) in 2025, with deficits in every member state. Key areas fueling the imbalance include machinery, chemicals, metals, batteries, solar panels, and information and communications technology. European officials acknowledge that isolated measures, such as a quota on hybrid vehicles and limited tariff cuts, are insufficient to address the magnitude of the trade gap.
The proposed instrument marks a departure from the EU’s existing Anti-Coercion Instrument by focusing explicitly on subsidy-driven excess capacity rather than political coercion. Notably, it would allow for sectoral restrictions that are graduated and could be activated unless opposed by a qualified majority of member states—a reversal of the current decision-making process. However, legislative details remain under development, with a draft unlikely to be finalized before 2027. European leaders also anticipate that the tool would primarily serve as a last resort.
China’s Ministry of Commerce issued a warning in late September, signaling strong opposition to the prospective EU measures. Meanwhile, the joint Macron-Merz letter also called for an instrument aimed at supply chain diversification to reduce dependency on single providers in critical sectors. This aligns with the forthcoming EU Industrial Accelerator Act, expected to be implemented soon.
These evolving trade dynamics carry significant implications for Asia. With the United States maintaining tariffs that restrict Chinese exports, the EU has been a major outlet for Chinese surplus goods. Should Europe tighten access further, Chinese exporters are expected to intensify their focus on Asian markets. Recent customs data indicate a 52 percent year-on-year increase in Chinese shipments to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in September 2026, outpacing shipments to Europe. Vietnam, Thailand, and Malaysia have emerged as key recipients, absorbing tens of billions of dollars in Chinese goods.
In response, Asian countries have adopted a series of product-specific trade measures to manage increased Chinese imports. For instance, India implemented safeguard duties on steel products for three years; Vietnam imposed anti-dumping tariffs on hot-rolled steel coils; Indonesia renewed safeguards on textiles; and Thailand introduced high duties on steel beams and reinforced anti-circumvention rules. Japan, South Korea, and Malaysia have launched investigations or imposed duties in steel and stainless steel sectors as well.
Experts suggest that a European instrument capable of rapidly restricting China’s access to entire sectors would intensify trade diversion pressures in Asia, particularly in industries such as steel, chemicals, machinery, batteries, and solar panels. Countries competing with China in these sectors—such as South Korea, Japan, India, and Thailand—may face rising competition and political pressure to adopt broader safeguards and stricter import monitoring regimes.
Additional complications could arise if Europe adopts anti-circumvention mechanisms demanding tighter rules-of-origin verification and local content requirements. Asian economies with Chinese manufacturing bases could face scrutiny from both European and U.S. regulators, potentially complicating regional supply chains where up to 60 percent of ASEAN’s Chinese imports are intermediate goods integral to re-exported products.
The broader outlook points to a protracted "hybrid" trade conflict. Europe appears poised to continue negotiating piecemeal agreements with China while simultaneously establishing stronger mechanisms to limit Chinese market access by sector. Absent a significant shift in China’s economic model toward domestic consumption, its export surpluses are expected to seek alternative markets—primarily in Asia. This trend will force Asian policymakers to balance reliance on affordable Chinese inputs against the protection of their domestic industries, often with fewer negotiating levers than Europe possesses.
