Recent riots in Belfast have highlighted the enduring impact of Northern Ireland’s decades-long sectarian conflict, known as the Troubles, residents and scholars say. The unrest began late Tuesday following the circulation of a graphic video allegedly showing a Belfast man being stabbed by a Sudanese national. Violence erupted predominantly in working-class unionist neighborhoods, with clashes centered around so-called “interface areas” where Protestant and Catholic communities remain physically separated by barriers and signage.

The disturbances included arson attacks targeting vehicles and homes, some of which belonged to ethnic minorities. Several local residents and pro-Irish politicians have pointed to loyalist paramilitary groups as a factor contributing to the unrest. Sean Og O Murchu, a Belfast-based author and republican activist, noted that paramilitary influence persists in mainly Protestant areas and described them as a lingering legacy of the Troubles. Meanwhile, a loyalist source indicated to media that while paramilitaries were not directing the violence, they were deliberately refraining from intervening to stop it.

Underlying tensions appear linked to economic pressures and perceptions surrounding immigration. Experts highlight grievances over limited access to housing, healthcare, and education, which some working-class residents attribute to migrants. Government data published last month showed that 11.6 percent of individuals aged 16 to 24 in Northern Ireland were neither employed nor in education or training—a rise of nearly two percentage points from the previous quarter. Dominic Bryan, a political anthropology professor at Queen’s University Belfast, said this has fueled misconceptions that migrants are taking away local resources, deepening divisions in an already fragmented society.

Northern Ireland remains the UK’s least ethnically diverse region, with minority ethnic groups accounting for just over three percent of the population. However, the demographic balance in Belfast has shifted, with Catholics now outnumbering Protestants since the Troubles ended. This change has fueled anxieties among unionists about their cultural identity, a dynamic further complicated by far-right rhetoric blaming immigrants for societal changes. Bryan observed that recent unrest reflects a notable shift among some unionist communities, moving their focus away from Catholic-Protestant tensions toward ethnic and racial divisions.

The protests have also included symbolic gestures unusual in the context of Northern Ireland’s history, such as the display of combined Irish tricolour and British Union Jack imagery, sparking debate over a nascent cross-community identity linked by opposition to immigration. John and Brendan, two residents of Glengormley, a northern Belfast suburb affected by the clashes, expressed cautious optimism that the shared concern over immigration might foster unity among Catholics and Protestants. However, Brendan emphasized opposition to violence despite supporting the underlying protest motivations.

While some activists and social media voices have embraced the notion of a “united Ireland” emerging from anti-immigrant sentiment, Bryan described this as a marginal perspective unlikely to gain widespread acceptance. He cautioned against equating the recent unrest with a broader white nationalist uprising, noting that the majority of the population considers such views “ridiculous.”

The recent episodes of disorder underscore how unresolved social and economic challenges intersect with historical sectarian divisions, continuing to shape the political and communal landscape of Northern Ireland nearly three decades after the Good Friday Agreement brought formal peace.