Gadi Eisenkot, former chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), has emerged as the leading figure in the Israeli opposition ahead of elections scheduled for late October, positioning himself as a potential challenger to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s long-standing political dominance. Eisenkot, the son of Moroccan immigrants, has garnered significant public support, aided by his personal losses in the recent Gaza conflict—his son and two nephews were killed—which has resonated with a nation still grappling with conflict and grief.

Unlike many career politicians, Eisenkot projects a straightforward and authentic image, avoiding the sharp polarization and personal attacks that characterize much of Israel’s current political landscape. Instead, he has focused his campaign on domestic issues where he believes the current government is misaligned with public sentiment. His approach aims to attract swing voters without requiring them to disavow their previous electoral choices, a strategy that distinguishes him from former Netanyahu opponents.

Eisenkot has outlined key principles for prospective coalition partners rather than detailed policy promises, emphasizing the need to recognize Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, uphold the equality of all citizens as stated in Israel’s Declaration of Independence, and maintain an obligation for national service—either military or civilian—for all Israelis. These broad criteria seek to address contentious issues, including the participation of Arab parties in government, minority rights, and the military draft exemptions that currently apply to many in Israel’s ultra-Orthodox (haredi) community.

The question of draft exemptions has grown particularly divisive in recent years. While many Israelis under 40 have repeatedly served in the IDF, causing personal and professional disruptions, haredi men are often exempt from service, a policy that has drawn increasing criticism amid ongoing security concerns and warnings of potential manpower shortages. Additionally, calls by haredi leaders for greater subsidies for religious schools and social services have intensified public resentment.

The broader political context is marked by tensions over Israel’s informal system of checks and balances—comprising the judiciary, military, intelligence agencies, and media—in the absence of a formal constitution. In recent months, the Netanyahu government has advanced legislation curbing the powers of the attorney general and establishing a new press regulatory body, moves opponents argue weaken independent oversight. The government has simultaneously reinforced policies favorable to its haredi base, such as expanding draft exemptions, affirming Torah study as a state value, increasing gender separation in education, and restoring rabbinical control over kosher certification.

Observers suggest that Netanyahu is aware these measures may be unpopular with the wider public but is pursuing them strategically to mobilize his conservative nationalist core. Analysts note his likely aim is to prevent the opposition from securing a Jewish majority vote, which might force them into a coalition with Arab parties or trigger another election cycle. The potential return to a coalition involving moderate Arab parties, as experienced in 2021, risks provoking significant public protests and internal opposition divisions.

Parallels have been drawn between Israeli and American politics, with both countries facing populist backlashes against perceived elites and deep state institutions. In each, religious voters constitute a key conservative constituency, and political leaders evoke strong loyalties and hostilities. The outcome of the upcoming Israeli election could either maintain the current political trajectory or set the stage for a new chapter under leaders like Eisenkot, who is addressing some of the nation’s most complex and sensitive challenges.