In the island of Sumba, Indonesia, traditional customs rooted in a feudal system persist, involving a form of hereditary servitude that rights groups characterize as slavery. Despite constitutional prohibitions on slavery, many members of the indigenous Ata community remain bound to their noble masters, known locally as maramba, under longstanding social and cultural practices.

The persistence of these customs was recently highlighted during an elaborate funeral near the island’s capital, attended by some 4,000 guests, including members of the noble class. The ceremony featured the marapu ritual, a syncretic spiritual practice common among Sumba residents, regardless of whether they identify as Christian or Muslim. The ritual included the sacrifice of two horses, reflecting ancient beliefs tied to ancestral spirits. Until the early 1990s, police closely monitored such funerals for fears that they might involve human sacrifice—a practice previously documented in the region. In former times, a slave was traditionally buried alongside their master as part of this rite.

Human rights organizations including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have consistently called on the Indonesian government to enforce the constitutional ban on slavery and uphold anti-discrimination agreements. Amnesty Indonesia’s Haeril Halim said the government is aware of the situation but has yet to take concrete steps to eradicate the practice. Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch Indonesia urged the government to “declare the freedom of all ata people from their maramba masters.”

The government response emphasizes a gradual approach. Human Rights Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra noted Indonesia’s pluralistic society and varying rates of social development among ethnic groups, suggesting that change must proceed “step by step” through education and community development rather than abrupt intervention. Local officials such as former district head Gidion echoed this sentiment, acknowledging that the noble class, which largely owns slaves, maintains significant influence, making reform a protracted process.

Some nobles themselves have begun advocating for change. Norlina Rambu Jola Kalunga, a noblewoman and former university rector, seeks the emancipation of atas—hereditary servants—within her own extended family, though she acknowledges that freeing them outright would conflict with cultural norms. Her grandfather, a former Protestant community leader, had previously freed his atas in a neighboring region.

In the village of Prailiu, noblewoman Tamu Rambu Margaretha, known as Mama Margaretha, has taken steps to improve the lives of her atas by promoting education and economic independence. She has sent all her atas’ children to school alongside her own and supports local women, including atas, to sell handmade textiles through a gallery operated by her son, who serves as a marapu priest. Although she does not object if atas choose to leave, none have, largely due to economic dependency and social constraints.

One former ata from Napu village described his struggle to build an independent life after enduring mistreatment. While he managed to educate some of his children through government grants and farming, his family still relies on land owned by their former master and remains subject to obligations to the maramba. He acknowledged that new laws offer some protection, but ultimate freedom remains elusive.

The situation in Sumba illustrates the tensions between deeply entrenched traditional hierarchies and modern human rights standards, with local advocates and international organizations pressing for reform amid a slow-moving, complex social transformation.