The Conservative Party has outlined a proposal to increase defence spending to 3 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) by 2030, accompanied by plans to fund the rise through targeted welfare cuts rather than tax hikes. The plan involves raising defence expenditure by £10 billion annually until the end of the decade, financed in part by measures such as reducing housing benefits to generate £4 billion, reinstating the two-child benefit cap to recover £3.1 billion, and ending the VAT exemption on Motability vehicles to save £1 billion. These measures follow a prior Tory commitment to reduce welfare spending by £23 billion.
Despite the plan’s theoretical nature, it marks a clear attempt to meet a specified defence spending target amidst rising geopolitical concerns. This comes amid increasing tensions related to Russia’s actions, including a recent explosive drone attack on Leipzig airport and warnings from President Vladimir Putin about possible retaliatory strikes against British targets in response to the UK’s military support to Ukraine.
In contrast, Labour has yet to commit to a firm timeline for reaching the 3 percent defence spending benchmark. Prime Minister Andy Burnham refrained from ruling out tax increases during his first Prime Minister’s Questions session. The party’s chancellor, John Healey, resigned as defence secretary in June after failing to secure agreement from Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer on the 3 percent target for 2030, which is seen as a stepping stone toward NATO’s longer-term goal of 3.5 percent by 2035. Burnham and Healey have deferred any definitive statements until after a spending review expected next year.
Defence spending is presented as an exception to a broader debate around public expenditure, where critics argue for a fundamental reassessment of government budgets focused on limiting growth to areas that directly contribute to economic productivity. The British state currently accounts for about 45 percent of GDP, funding extensive welfare programs, public sector pensions—costing 1.2 percent of GDP—and benefits systems that some claim incentivize dependency rather than work.
While the Conservatives advocate for welfare cuts to help fund defence, they have stopped short of addressing more contentious welfare programs such as the Motability scheme, which provides subsidized vehicles for disabled individuals. Some critics argue that scaling back or abolishing Motability could yield greater savings, citing concerns about misuse. However, Motability’s critics remain a minority voice compared to the political acceptance of other welfare measures.
Another major unresolved issue is the state pension triple lock—a policy ensuring pensions rise with inflation, earnings, or a minimum rate—which has only been in place for 16 years but remains politically untouchable. The reluctance among parties, including the Conservatives, to reform or remove the triple lock is attributed to fears over public backlash, particularly from pensioners who would question where any savings would be redirected.
Overall, comprehensive spending cuts across welfare and public sectors have yet to materialize. Observers note that the current Labour leadership appears hesitant to implement austerity measures, favoring increased spending despite fiscal pressures. Economic advisers such as Lord O’Neill urge the government to adopt a more realistic approach to public finances in response to rising government borrowing costs, but political considerations continue to complicate efforts to curb expenditure.
