A hard-left, pro-Russian party established three years ago may play a decisive role in determining the next government of Saxony-Anhalt, potentially enabling the first postwar far-right state premier in Germany. The Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW), named after its influential founder, garnered 5.3 percent of the vote in the recent state election and holds five seats in the regional parliament. Its willingness to cooperate with the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which won a record 44 percent and 39 seats, has raised the possibility of the AfD’s lead candidate, Ulrich Siegmund, forming a government.

Together, the AfD and BSW fall just short of the 42-seat majority in Saxony-Anhalt’s parliament, but BSW’s support—whether by voting alongside or abstaining—could enable Siegmund’s election as state premier. BSW leaders have indicated they do not intend to enter a formal coalition with the AfD but could provide votes on an ad hoc basis, particularly in the critical third round of parliamentary voting where a simple majority suffices and the ballot is secret. This scenario may require at least one defection or abstention from other parties, which hold 39 seats.

Despite the prospect of cooperation, Siegmund has publicly voiced reluctance to work with BSW, labeling the party “not part of the solution, but rather part of the problem.” He cited the instability the party faced in other eastern states: in Brandenburg, a coalition involving BSW collapsed due to internal conflict, and in Thuringia, a dispute with founder Sahra Wagenknecht led most of the party’s lawmakers to leave and create a new movement. Wagenknecht herself resigned as BSW leader last year but remains its dominant figure, known for her strong control over the party’s direction.

Political analysts note that, despite their far-left and far-right positioning, the BSW and AfD share certain policy overlaps, notably a Russia-friendly worldview and a mutual opposition to Germany’s military support for Ukraine. However, they diverge considerably on social, educational, and migration policies, with BSW generally adopting less radical stances than the AfD.

The breaking down of the so-called “firewall”—a term used to describe the unified political opposition among mainstream parties to prevent far-right ascendance—has brought former fringe parties close to power in the state. Wagenknecht criticized this defensive stance as “firewall idiocy,” framing the election outcome as a rejection of established political forces and expressing BSW’s readiness to support “sensible policies” in parliament.

Within the AfD, there are mixed attitudes toward collaboration with BSW. While Siegmund remains wary, some party officials and local leaders have pushed for a softer stance, seeing BSW as the only feasible partner given doubts about securing defections from Christian Democrats under Chancellor Friedrich Merz. AfD regional chair Oliver Kirchner’s meeting with BSW candidate Claudia Wittig at a far-right publication event hinted at potential pragmatic cooperation, with Wittig describing BSW’s approach as “walking a thin line” between full support and ad hoc collaboration.

BSW officials have given inconsistent signals regarding their willingness to back AfD initiatives such as budget approvals, though Wittig suggested they would engage in negotiations over key projects. Following the election, Siegmund acknowledged the need to explore all options to establish a “stable majority,” extending an olive branch to all parliamentary groups.

Political experts caution that any arrangement between the AfD and BSW would rest on a precarious foundation, given their ideological differences and the dependence of the AfD on a tiny parliamentary faction. As the parties navigate this new political landscape, the potential alliance raises questions about governance stability and the shifting dynamics within Saxony-Anhalt’s state politics.