Iran’s leadership is increasingly consolidated in the hands of a close-knit group of hard-line military commanders, predominantly former or current senior officials of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). This network, described by experts as a “band of brothers,” has been the driving force behind key decision-making processes in the country, especially following the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in late February.

At 86, Khamenei’s influence was unparalleled during his 37-year tenure. He was succeeded by his 56-year-old son, Mojtaba Khamenei, who senior Iranian officials say oversees all major matters. Yet, analysts emphasize that power extends beyond the new supreme leader to this inner circle of IRGC veterans. Their formative experience was shaped by the eight-year Iran-Iraq war that began in 1980, and many rose to prominence early, taking senior military roles in their late 20s and early 30s.

This cohort not only directs the military but also controls intelligence, security, and judicial institutions, employing severe measures to suppress dissent and maintain the Islamic Republic’s ideological framework. Their enduring unity and shared background contribute to the government’s resilience, despite the loss of around 50 senior political and military leaders amid recent conflict.

Among the most influential figures is Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, 64, speaker of the Iranian Parliament since 2020. Ghalibaf previously commanded the IRGC air force and served as Tehran’s mayor. Known for his pragmatic approach, he recently engaged in direct negotiations with the United States in Pakistan. While some view him as a potential advocate for a pragmatic resolution to ongoing conflicts, others regard him as an ambitious figure seeking to strengthen his political dominance.

Ahmad Vahidi, 67, assumed command of the IRGC in March following the death of his predecessor in U.S. and Israeli airstrikes. A former minister of defense and interior, Vahidi was the first commander of the Quds Force, which established regional proxy groups including Hezbollah. He is linked to several deadly attacks targeting foreign interests, though Iran has denied involvement.

Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei, 69, heads Iran’s judiciary and has built a reputation as a stringent enforcer of government policies through frequent use of capital punishment. Previously serving as minister of intelligence, he played a key role in suppressing the Green Movement protests after the contested 2009 presidential election. He is subject to sanctions by Western governments.

Hossein Taeb, 63, a cleric who once led the Basij militia and the IRGC’s intelligence branch, is known for his harsh crackdown on dissent, including the detention of Iranian Americans and dual nationals. Although removed from his top intelligence position in 2022 amid security failures, Taeb remains influential and is believed to maintain close ties with Mojtaba Khamenei.

Mohammad Ali Jafari, 68, who led the IRGC from 2007 to 2019, helped design a decentralized command strategy that has allowed the military to sustain operations despite leadership losses. He also played a significant role in expanding Iran’s regional proxy forces and has expressed unwavering commitment to confronting Israel.

Finally, Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, 72, exemplifies the integration between military and political spheres. A former IRGC deputy commander and hard-line politician, he was appointed secretary of the Supreme National Security Council in March. His role involves coordinating Iran’s political, military, judicial, and security sectors in formulating state strategy.

Together, these men form a tightly woven intelligence and military elite that has come to dominate Iran’s political landscape. Their extensive knowledge of the system and control over intelligence allow them to monitor and suppress rivals across political factions, ensuring their continued grip on power amid ongoing challenges.