The UK Labour government is facing scrutiny over its defence spending figures amid concerns that the reported budget increases may not accurately reflect cash allocated directly to the armed forces. Critics, including former Conservative defence secretary Sir Ben Wallace, have accused the Government of inflating defence expenditure by counting intelligence agency budgets as part of the total, potentially giving a misleading impression about progress toward NATO spending targets.
NATO members, including the UK, have pledged to spend at least 2 percent of GDP on defence, with a broader commitment to reach 3.5 percent by 2030 or later dates. Labour has highlighted an increase to 2.7 percent of GDP on defence-related spending for 2027-28 as the “biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War.” However, analysis of Ministry of Defence figures suggests the military’s core budget—covering personnel, equipment, support, and research and development—accounts for approximately 2.3 percent of GDP in that financial year. This leaves a gap between headline figures and direct MoD expenditure that critics say must be clarified.
The Government plans to include funds from the “Single Intelligence Account,” which finances MI5, MI6, and GCHQ, estimated at about £5 billion annually, within the definition of NATO-qualifying defence spending starting in 2027-28. This is a departure from NATO’s traditional criteria, which typically exclude intelligence services when calculating defence spending, aside from limited allowances for training military tactics. Sir Ben Wallace has called this reclassification an “insult” to the armed forces, arguing it falsely portrays the UK as meeting its NATO commitments while core defence budgets remain effectively constrained.
Labour figures, including John Healey—who resigned as defence secretary earlier this year over defence budget concerns but is returning as Chancellor—are expected to emphasise increased investment in upcoming budget announcements. Healey has indicated a “down payment” approach toward achieving a 3 percent GDP target by 2030, though detailed plans have not yet been released. Meanwhile, Andy Burnham has affirmed that the Chancellor’s forthcoming Budget will outline a pathway to the NATO spending target by 2035.
The Treasury and Cabinet Office maintain that the presentation of defence spending aligns with NATO methodology, noting the Government’s commitment to investing nearly £300 billion over the next four years. A spokesperson emphasized that the current approach reflects this sustained increase in spending.
Nonetheless, questions remain regarding transparency and whether all elements counted toward defence expenditure under the new categorisation would meet NATO’s formal definitions. The UK Statistics Authority has confirmed it is reviewing concerns raised about the government’s reporting of defence figures. The Office for Statistics Regulation is considering allegations that mixing intelligence agency funding with MoD expenditure may breach established standards for defence spending accounting.
Further complicating matters, the recently published defence investment plan (DIP) announced an additional £15 billion for defence over the next four years, described as “new investment.” However, reports indicate that £3.4 billion of this sum derives from proceeds from sales of surplus military equipment rather than fresh funding.
As the UK prepares for key budget decisions, the debate over the true scale and composition of defence spending underscores the challenges governments face in balancing fiscal priorities with alliance commitments and domestic expectations.
