The Islamist party PAS has positioned itself as a significant political force in Malaysia, openly discussing ambitions to secure the prime minister’s office and key Cabinet roles following the next general election. Currently the largest opposition party in the Dewan Rakyat, PAS holds 43 of the 222 parliamentary seats, representing approximately 20% of the house. The party also administers four states—Perlis, Kedah, Terengganu, and Kelantan—primarily within Malay-majority constituencies.
PAS’s rise is attributed to its ability to appeal strongly to Malay-Muslim voters, leveraging a narrative centered on Malay unity in alliance with Umno. However, the party faces a substantial challenge in demonstrating governance capabilities that resonate beyond its traditional rural Malay-Muslim base. While it has increased its electoral support, PAS must address concerns from Malaysia’s diverse electorate, which includes significant non-Malay and non-Muslim populations.
Critics argue PAS has yet to provide compelling reassurances to these broader communities regarding its governance approach, particularly because its agenda emphasizes strengthening Islamic laws and morality. Such positions have generated anxiety and skepticism among non-Muslims, who question their place in PAS’s vision for Malaysia. The party’s ability to govern a multiethnic, multireligious nation is under scrutiny, with observers noting that successful national leadership requires policies that transcend religious considerations.
Economic performance in PAS-controlled states raises further questions about the party’s preparedness for higher office. According to 2026 data from the Department of Statistics Malaysia, the four states under PAS showed growth rates below the national average of 5.2% in 2025. Terengganu’s economy notably slowed from 4.5% growth in 2024 to 1.6% in 2025, with manufacturing and construction sectors contracting. Perlis also experienced a decline, while Kedah and Kelantan had modest growth but still lagged behind the national pace.
Gross domestic product (GDP) per capita figures reveal significant disparities: Kelantan’s GDP per capita stood at RM18,085 in 2025, about 31% of the national average of RM59,167. Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis similarly fell well below the national average. Household income surveys from 2024 placed Kelantan at the bottom among Malaysian states. These economic indicators reflect structural challenges that have persisted despite PAS’s long-term control of Kelantan and its more recent administration of the other three states.
Experts emphasize that PAS’s economic model and governance strategies will be critical factors for voters considering the party as a potential national government. The party has been criticized for prioritizing moral and religious issues rather than focusing on economic development, technological innovation, education reform, and investments that could drive Malaysia’s transition to a high-income economy.
Malaysia’s complex social fabric and interconnected global economy require leadership that can unify diverse communities and implement effective policies across multiple sectors. PAS faces the task of addressing these realities and convincing Malaysians, including urban and non-Muslim populations, that it can govern inclusively and competently.
Until PAS offers clear and comprehensive plans that extend beyond its core religious narrative and demonstrate the capacity to manage national challenges, it may struggle to translate its current electoral momentum into a governing mandate for Malaysia.