At dawn on July 28, Iranian authorities publicly executed Abolfazl Sepahi Badjani and Amirhossein Safari Hosseinabadi in Alikhani Square, Isfahan, as part of a broader campaign to suppress dissent following the nationwide protests that began in late 2025. Security forces had secured the square overnight, and videos circulated online appeared to show bystanders attempting to intervene before being dispersed by law enforcement. Several people were reportedly injured or detained during the incident.

Both men had been apprehended during the January uprising and convicted in a mass trial related to clashes occurring in the same square. The charges included the deaths of security personnel, possession of weapons, and property destruction. Human rights organizations criticized the legal process, reporting that the convictions were based on confessions obtained under torture and that defendants were denied independent legal representation. The public hangings took place at the site where the men had originally protested against the government.

Four days after these executions, another detainee linked to the uprising, Arvin Kheirkhahan, was executed inside Shahrud Prison without prior notification to his family. His relatives were informed only after the execution and required to collect his body early in the morning under tight security, with no official statement issued by the judiciary.

These executions are part of an ongoing effort by the Iranian regime to dismantle protest networks, intimidate the population, and reassert control after the widespread demonstrations that engulfed the country following the death of Mahsa Amini in December 2025. The January protests, considered one of Iran’s largest in recent history, reportedly resulted in the deaths of 30,000 to 40,000 people within a span of two days, according to estimates cited by observers. The regime’s response has extended well beyond the immediate violence, encompassing mass arrests, interrogations, prolonged detentions, and a series of death sentences proceeding months after the unrest.

By July 28, at least 26 protesters had been executed for offenses related to the uprising; the execution of Kheirkhahan brought that number higher. Amnesty International has reported that at least 60 additional protesters, including some under 18 at the time of their alleged offenses, remain under threat of execution. Convicted individuals have faced charges such as moharebeh (“enmity against Allah”) and efsad-e fel-arz (“spreading corruption on Earth”). These charges have been broadly applied and have included acts such as property damage, blocking roads, and protests—actions that international legal standards typically do not consider grave enough to warrant capital punishment.

Iran’s Revolutionary Courts have come under significant criticism for operating without transparent legal safeguards, including allegations of enforced disappearances, denial of legal counsel, and reliance on coerced confessions. Numerous detainees report being held in undisclosed locations, subjected to psychological torture including staged executions, and threatened with sexual violence. These practices are seen as mechanisms to extract confessions and implicate others.

According to Khosro Isfahani, research director at the National Union for Democracy in Iran, the executions form part of a broader social engineering campaign aimed at instilling fear and deterring future dissent. He rejects the notion that the timing of executions correlates primarily with foreign policy developments, emphasizing instead the government’s focus on domestic control amid economic crisis and public frustration.

Public executions like those in Alikhani Square serve both as a direct warning and psychological tactic, designed to demonstrate the regime's readiness to impose severe penalties on those who challenge it. Secret executions, on the other hand, limit public gatherings or protests and prevent families from mobilizing, further isolating dissenters and promoting uncertainty. Nonetheless, both methods aim to fracture protest networks by targeting individuals whose deaths ripple through their communities, curtailing organized resistance.

The Iranian government also employs a propaganda campaign surrounding these executions. State media broadcast confessions and footage portraying protesters as violent agents manipulated by external adversaries, particularly Israel and the United States. This narrative frames the uprisings as conspiratorial acts rather than expressions of domestic grievances linked to economic hardship and political repression.

Beyond executions, authorities have implemented wider measures to suppress civil society, including thousands of arrests since February 2026, intensified crackdowns on journalists, lawyers, activists, and minorities, and stricter enforcement of Islamic codes such as hijab regulations. These efforts reflect what analysts describe as a multifaceted approach to reestablish state control after the January upheaval.

The wave of executions and repression underscores the regime’s determination to eliminate any remaining dissent but also reveals underlying vulnerabilities. Iranian officials aim to send a clear message that resistance carries lethal consequences, employing capital punishment not only as legal penalty but as a tool of psychological warfare to dismantle opposition networks and discourage future mobilization.