Belgrade—Serbia’s youth-led political movement, composed primarily of Generation Z students, has achieved a significant breakthrough by ending Aleksandar Vučić’s 14-year dominance in the country’s latest parliamentary election. Garnering roughly 53% of the vote last month, the movement succeeded where established opposition parties had failed, signaling a major shift in Serbia’s political landscape.

However, the movement now faces substantial challenges as it transitions from protest to governance. The student activists, who orchestrated the campaign, have chosen not to occupy parliamentary seats themselves. Instead, they appointed a diverse and largely inexperienced slate of candidates, including professionals such as a cardiologist, a former central-bank governor, a basketball star, and an opera singer. Many of these new lawmakers are academics and educators unfamiliar with political office.

With no formal prime minister yet selected and no cabinet formed, the movement is still defining its role in the new government. Maintaining unity proves complex given the movement’s broad and sometimes conflicting ideological composition, which includes nationalists, liberals, and leftists. “What we lack in experience, we will make up for in integrity,” said Katarina $ćepanović, a high-school teacher elected on the student-backed slate. “We are figuring things out as we go along,” she added.

Observers note that Serbia’s political upheaval carries significance beyond the Balkans, as it tests whether youthful protest movements can successfully convert their momentum into effective governance. Similar protests have occurred across Europe, including in Germany and France, highlighting a broader generational backlash on issues such as education and economic conditions.

Michael Davenport, a former EU and UK ambassador to Serbia, said the new movement “will face enormous challenges,” including fulfilling voter expectations, maintaining cohesion, and navigating government formation while trying to preserve their collective approach.

While the upheaval offers an opportunity for Serbia—a nation of approximately 6.5 million caught between European Union ambitions and Russian influence—to strengthen its democratic institutions, it does not necessarily indicate a shift in foreign policy orientation. The student movement has opposed sanctions on Russia, citing Serbia’s energy dependence and historical sanctions imposed on Belgrade during the 1990s conflicts. They also insist that Kosovo, which declared independence in 2008, remains part of Serbia’s sovereign territory.

Additionally, some student-backed candidates have proposed an eventual referendum on Serbia’s EU membership, although this is not an official platform position. Movement members emphasize their intention to implement EU democratic standards in governance.

The campaign gained momentum in May 2025, when students, convinced that protests alone were insufficient, demanded snap elections. Their decentralization—organizing assemblies across Serbia’s towns and villages and mobilizing polling observers—made it difficult for authorities to target leaders or negotiate compromises. However, this same structure complicates coordination once in power.

Movement member Maksić noted the risk of internal competition if students themselves sought parliamentary seats, which could fracture the leaderless coalition. Instead, they selected candidates with professional expertise believed to be trustworthy.

Once elected, these representatives are accountable to the electorate and constitution, limiting the direct day-to-day influence of the student assemblies. “We cannot directly influence their decisions daily,” said movement organizer Tara Blagojević, “but we are definitely not going to disappear.”

As Serbia embarks on this new political chapter, the student movement faces the complex task of turning protest-driven enthusiasm into sustainable governance while managing ideological diversity and public expectations.