In Israel’s parliamentary election held on October 27, 2026, former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) general Gadi Eisenkot, a Mizrahi Jew of Moroccan descent, emerged as a significant figure poised to challenge the longstanding political dominance of the Ashkenazi establishment. If successful in forming a government, Eisenkot would become Israel’s first prime minister from the Mizrahi community, which comprises Jews whose heritage traces back to the Middle East, North Africa, and Asia.

The Mizrahi community has historically faced institutional discrimination since the founding of Israel in 1948, when nearly 600,000 Jews expelled or forced to flee from Arab and Muslim countries arrived in the country, often settling in overcrowded camps known as ma’abarot. These immigrants were pressured to abandon traditional cultural practices in favor of a Westernized model aligned with the European-descended Ashkenazi elite, who held most political and economic power. Over time, many Mizrahi families were relocated to economically marginal development towns or impoverished urban neighborhoods. Social unrest stemming from these disparities led to events such as the 1959 Haifa riots and the formation of the Israeli Black Panthers in 1971, a movement advocating for equal rights and social justice.

The political landscape shifted in 1977 when Mizrahi voters buoyed Menachem Begin’s Likud party to power, cementing a right-leaning base that supported leaders like Benjamin Netanyahu for over two decades. Netanyahu’s relationship with Mizrahi voters has been described as complex, with critics pointing to instances of alleged prejudice within his inner circle, including controversial remarks by right-wing commentator Yinon Magal and accusations against Netanyahu’s wife, Sara, though these claims have been denied.

Eisenkot’s rise comes amid an evolving social dynamic, with analysts noting that ethnicity is no longer the primary factor determining voting behavior in Israel. Momi Dahan, an academic at Hebrew University, emphasized that differences in income and education better explain political preferences than ethnic background. Despite lingering socioeconomic gaps, Mizrahi individuals have ascended to prominent positions in public institutions, although the premiership has remained elusive until now.

Eisenkot’s centrist party, Yashar! ("straight" or "honest"), is projected by polls to become the largest in the upcoming Knesset. Aligned with three other Jewish parties opposing Netanyahu, Yashar! is not expected to secure an outright majority but could potentially form a minority government, marking a shift in Israel’s political order.

Support for Eisenkot among Mizrahi voters, however, is not guaranteed. Manuel Trajtenberg, a senior Israeli economist and Eisenkot associate, noted that while some Mizrahi Israelis might take pride in a leader sharing their background, longstanding party loyalties, particularly to Likud, remain deeply ingrained. Similarly, pollster Dahlia Scheindlin cautioned against assuming a straightforward transfer of Mizrahi support from Netanyahu to Eisenkot, referencing Amir Peretz’s 2006 Labor leadership as an example where ethnic identity did not reverse political decline. Scheindlin also pointed out disparities in voter turnout, suggesting that Netanyahu’s coalition supporters appeared less motivated, which may influence the election outcome.

If Eisenkot succeeds, his premiership would symbolize both a political and social shift within Israel, reflecting decades of change within the Mizrahi community and challenging the historical dominance of the Ashkenazi elite.