States may collaborate on advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), semiconductor supply chains, and telecommunications infrastructure, but such technological partnerships without a security component do not constitute formal alliances. Conversely, alliances—which are security-focused partnerships—are rarely based solely on technology sharing or joint research and development. Traditionally, alliances have been primarily formed in response to shared threats, to bolster domestic stability, reduce reliance on a single partner, and build leadership credibility.

The structure and design of an alliance significantly affect the flow of technology among its members. In bilateral alliances, the dominant partner often controls the weaker member’s access to technology. Multilateral alliances with more than two members tend to dilute this control but may also face challenges reaching consensus, which can slow technological cooperation. The distinction between formal and informal alliances is also important. Formal alliances, such as NATO, operate under agreed rules, involve long-term commitments, and facilitate cooperation on operational, political, and strategic levels. They often include cost-sharing obligations that can promote or restrict technology transfers.

Informal alliances, like the US-led anti-ISIS coalition formed in 2014 and the recent three-way Makkah Joint Defence Agreement of 2026, are more flexible and temporary. They lack strict entry rules and burden-sharing responsibilities, thereby lowering participation barriers but limiting opportunities for technology exchange.

National strategic goals influence whether technology access is sought through security alliances or strategic partnerships without security commitments. Countries focused on non-military aims—such as advancing AI leadership, building data center infrastructure, or developing clean energy hubs—tend to pursue long-term technological partnerships. Meanwhile, states prioritizing defense—such as cyber protection or deterrence against conventional threats—value alliances that provide security-related technological capabilities.

Engaging in alliances to access technology can also involve risks and trade-offs. Some states may join alliances primarily to benefit from advanced technology without significant contributions, a phenomenon known as free-riding. Examples include several nations joining the anti-ISIS coalition largely to access US military technology while providing limited military support. Dependence on alliance-provided technology may discourage self-reliance or regional collaboration and could result in conditionality that limits a state's operational freedom. Additionally, accepting advanced technology from a dominant partner can risk entrapment, potentially drawing a state into conflicts led by the technology provider.

The intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China over high-tech capabilities is reshaping global geopolitics, particularly in the Arab Gulf region. Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states are navigating this rivalry, with both great powers vying for dominance in military technologies—including hypersonic weapons, cyber warfare, and AI-enabled combat systems—as well as civilian areas such as AI governance, semiconductor manufacturing, next-generation telecommunications (5G and 6G), data sovereignty, cloud computing, and clean technologies.

In the Gulf, US engagement has primarily been military-focused, offering advanced weaponry, military interoperability, and access to cutting-edge military AI through US Central Command’s specialized task forces for naval, army, and air forces. Washington has historically maintained a cautious approach to sharing dual-use technologies with Gulf partners. In contrast, China pursues a model centered on economic development, infrastructure investment, and the deployment of civilian technologies rather than deep integration in security alliances. This approach fosters new forms of interdependence, such as reliance on Chinese 5G infrastructure.

While increased technological partnerships beyond the US—including with China or the European Union—may provide Gulf states with greater technological autonomy in the near term, China's growing presence also represents a strategic challenge that could significantly influence the region’s future security architecture.