A network of U.S. political insiders, lobbyists, and investors are actively positioning themselves to control Cuban assets and influence the island’s economic future amid heightened American sanctions on Cuba. These developments come in the wake of intensified pressure exerted by the administration of Florida Senator Marco Rubio and former President Donald Trump, aimed at isolating Cuba’s communist government and promoting regime change.

Since a May 1 executive order by Trump that disrupted Canada’s Sherritt International from its nickel and cobalt mining joint venture with the Cuban state, competing U.S. investors have submitted bids to acquire Sherritt’s stake. Among those seeking control are Ray Washburne, a prominent Trump ally and former vice-chair of Trump’s 2016 campaign committee, and Albert Huddleston, a Texas oil magnate with close White House connections. Both parties hope to navigate complex claims from other major corporations, including Citigroup and Office Depot, as part of their pursuit of Cuban mining interests. Neither Washburne nor Huddleston’s consortium responded to requests for comment.

Similar efforts have involved Australia’s Antilles Gold Ltd, which after being blacklisted for its Cuba operations was permitted by the Trump administration to transfer its stake in a Cuban copper-gold mine to New York-based Global Emerging Markets. Meanwhile, executives linked to the Trump Organization have reportedly returned to Cuba under the banner of Dominari Holdings to explore real estate opportunities, engaging in talks with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, grandson of former Cuban president Raúl Castro, amid the exit of major Spanish hotel chains operating on the island.

The sanctions campaign has also severely disrupted Cuba’s energy supplies. Since January 2026, the U.S. effectively implemented a fuel blockade by cutting Venezuelan oil shipments following the abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, and threatening tariffs on countries, including Mexico, that attempt to supply Cuba with petroleum. Despite this, authorized oil exports from Florida and Texas to Cuba’s private sector have surged to over $160 million this year, highlighting a complex dynamic wherein some American companies benefit from the sanctions regime.

Florida-based shipping companies, such as Crowley, have reportedly gained from restrictions imposed on foreign shippers, redirecting Cuban-bound commerce through the state. Crowley has contributed to Cuban-American Republican lawmakers, including Mario Díaz-Balart and María Elvira Salazar. The company declined to comment on its role.

Humanitarian aid efforts have also intersected with political dynamics. Franklin Graham, CEO of the evangelical organization Samaritan’s Purse and a Trump ally, secured a $40 million federal contract to provide aid in Cuba, although sources express skepticism about the group’s operational capacity on the island. A spokesperson for Samaritan’s Purse stated that details of the aid program are still under development.

Lobbying firms and advocacy groups linked to Rubio and former Trump officials have also been active. Madrid-based Vima World SL, a key player in Cuba’s food sector with ties to the Cuban military conglomerate GAESA, hired Continental Strategy—a Washington lobbying firm led by Cuban-American allies of Rubio who were instrumental in shaping Trump’s maximum pressure policy—for trade and foreign relations counsel. Continental Strategy’s roster includes Carlos Trujillo, former ambassador to the Organization of American States, John Barras, ex-acting USAID administrator, and Alberto Martinez, Rubio’s former chief of staff. Continental ceased its contract with Vima this month after receiving nearly $40,000.

Other established organizations benefiting from federal support include the Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba (FHRC), which along with longtime Republican lobbyist Otto Reich and Rubio aide Viviana Bovo’s husband, formed a new group advising the State Department on economic development plans for a future democratic Cuba. They are actively involved in mobilizing private investment from wealthy Cuban exiles through the Cuban-American National Chamber of Commerce (CANCC). Lobbying expenditures by FHRC and other figures advocating for regime change have totaled six figures since late 2025.

Additionally, Digital News Association Inc. received $250,000 from the U.S. government’s Cuba broadcasting office for investigative journalism projects, coinciding with the release of a contentious State Department report portraying Cuba as a threat to U.S. security.

Observers note the intricate ways the sanctions regime has created new economic opportunities for U.S.-based actors while heightening hardship on the Cuban population. As one consultant involved with Cuban-American exile networks put it, the administration’s approach hinges on facilitating eventual private Cuban investment conditional on dismantling the current government, emphasizing the importance of engaging the diaspora’s interests in any future negotiations.