Israel’s recent engagement with Kurdish groups in Iran has drawn scrutiny from political analysts who caution against conflating Iran’s patriotic Kurdish population with separatist Kurdish factions. The remarks by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar at a Jewish-Kurdish conference held in London on September 6-7, 2026, have been described by some observers as a strategic misstep, highlighting a potential misunderstanding of the complex socio-political landscape within Iran.
Kermanshah, the largest Kurdish city in Iran, is frequently cited as a center of Iranian patriotism, with a rich historical legacy that dates back millennia. The city is noted for its cultural significance, including the nearby Bisotun inscription—one of the country’s oldest recorded historical artifacts linked to the ancient Persian Empire. According to experts familiar with Iranian society, many Kurdish residents of Kermanshah and other regions strongly identify with Iran’s national sovereignty and territorial integrity, rejecting separatist agendas.
The relationship between the Iranian and Jewish peoples is also emphasized as a long-standing and strategic connection. Drawing on a shared history that extends back approximately 2,500 years, some Iranians reportedly view Israel as a uniquely determined actor capable of confronting the Iranian regime’s power structure directly. This sentiment has been observed both within Iran and among the Iranian diaspora, particularly following the widespread demonstrations against antisemitism in the West after the October 7 attacks. In these contexts, Iranian expatriates have shown solidarity with Jewish communities, symbolized by the display of the Iranian Lion and Sun flag alongside the Star of David on Western streets.
Nevertheless, officials and commentators stress the importance of distinguishing Iran’s patriotic Kurdish majority from smaller Kurdish separatist movements, such as those affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and its founder Abdullah Öcalan. Historically, the PKK has maintained Marxist-Leninist ideologies and operated in alliance with other regional actors antagonistic toward Israel. In the 1980s and 1990s, the PKK benefited from support from the Syrian government under Hafez al-Assad, including the establishment of training camps in Lebanon’s Bekaa Valley. PKK fighters reportedly engaged in combat against Israel during this period. Öcalan’s recent statements in August 2026 have been criticized for promoting antisemitic conspiracy theories regarding Zionism and Kurdish statehood, further complicating the dynamics between these Kurdish factions and Israel.
The broader context of Iran’s national identity plays a critical role in this debate. Unlike some of its neighbors, Iran’s historical continuity as a sovereign state dates back thousands of years. Recent nationwide protests have been reported to transcend ethnic, linguistic, and sectarian lines, fostering a renewed sense of collective Iranian identity rather than fragmentation. For example, public demonstrations in Kermanshah included open support for Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi, which challenges longstanding narratives about fragile national unity.
Observers warn that Israeli overtures toward Kurdish separatist groups risk alienating the patriotic Kurdish population and undermining hard-won trust within Iran. Investing political capital in marginal Kurdish factions with separatist agendas could jeopardize Israel’s strategic interests by damaging a valuable relationship with Iranians who favor the country’s territorial integrity. Critics call for a nuanced approach that acknowledges internal Iranian realities rather than advancing simplified or potentially divisive narratives.
The complexity of Iran’s Kurdish regions, coupled with the interplay of historical, ethnic, and political factors, underscores the need for careful calibration in Jerusalem’s foreign policy calculus. Accurate understanding and engagement with Iran’s diverse population segments may prove crucial for advancing Israel’s security and diplomatic goals in the region.
